I dag fungerar internet extra trögt hÀr i Kina. Anledning; det Àr Ärsdagen av massakern vid Himmelska fridens torg 1989, dÄ tusentals fredliga demonstranter dödades av maskingevÀr och stridsvagnar.
Som vanligt kryllar internet av uppgifter om censur, förföljelse och husarrest för mÄnga som var inblandade i protesterna för 26 Är sedan.
NÄgot nytt som fÄngade min uppmÀrksamhet i Är Àr dock ett öppet brev frÄn kinesiska utlandsstudenter som riktar sig till studenter i Kina, och till censurmyndigheternas förtret nu cirkulerat flitigt under ett par veckor pÄ sociala medier och via email.
Brevet – som översatts till engelska av China Change – bĂ€r titeln ”On the 26th Anniversary of Tianâanmen Massacre â an Open Letter to Fellow Students in Mainland China”.
Studenterna vittnar dÀr om hur de under sin tid i utlandet fÄtt upp ögonen för de grymheter som utspelade sig under massakern, samt vad den har betytt för det moderna Kinas utveckling i form av maktmissbruk och brist pÄ mÀnskliga rÀttigheter.
Texten har författats en kinesisk student i Georgia, och sedan innan publicering skrivits under av ytterligare tio kinesiska studenter i flera stÀder och lÀnder. De uppmanar vidare fler kineser att skriva under brevet via Google Docs. Den ser i sin helhet ut som följer:
On the 26th Anniversary of Tianâanmen Massacre â an Open Letter to Fellow Students in Mainland China
We are a group of Chinese students born in the 1980s and 1990s and now studying abroad. Twenty-six years ago on June 4th, young students, in lifeâs prime with innocent love for their country just as we are today, died under the gun of the Peopleâs Liberation Army in Beijingâs streets. This part of history has since been so carefully edited and shielded away that many of us today know very little about it. Currently outside China, we have been able to access photos, videos and news, and listen to the accounts of survivors, unfettered. We feel the aftershocks of this tragedy across the span of a quarter century. The more we know, the more we feel we have a grave responsibility on our shoulders. We are writing you this open letter, fellow college students inside China, to share the truth with you and to expose crimes that have been perpetrated up to this day in connection with the Tianâanmen Massacre in 1989.
Around 9:30 on the night of June 3rd, 1989, gun shots tore the tense streets of Beijing. On that day, troops enforcing martial law opened fire on students and residents who had protested peacefully for nearly two months. The demonstrations were initiated by college students but people from all walks of life participated, numbering over 300,000 at the peak. The center area of the peaceful sit-in was in Tianâanmen Square. It was a time when the nation had been encouraged by the relatively freer and more open political atmosphere throughout the 1980s, people had had trust in the Communist Party and held expectations of a government that called itself âthe peopleâs government.â At a time when economic crisis threatened and corruption worsened, students and residents wanted to have a dialogue with the nationâs leaders to make the country a better place. Never for a moment did the peaceful demonstrators dream that a planned massacre was awaiting them.
Per orders from Deng Xiaping, Li Peng and other Chinese leaders, the PLA forced its way toward Tianâanmen Square to clear out the student occupiers. They drove tanks with machine guns mounted on top, and they shouted âI will not attack if I am not attackedâ while opening fire on civilians. On its route at Muxidi (æšæššć°), several hundreds of unarmed civilians fell in streaming blood shouting âFascists!â, âMurderers!â Among them was Yan Wen (äž„æ), a 23-year-old mathematics student at Peking University, shot dead by bullets to his thigh. He was there with a camera to record history. Another was the 17-year-old high school student Jiang Jielian (èæ·èż) who had been determined to go to the Square to be with older brothers and older sisters there. 19-year-old Wang Nan (çæ„ ) was yet another who fell, and the bullet-holed helmet he wore is now on display in Hong Kong. The 21-year-old Wu Xiangdong (ćŽćäž)had with him a death notice that read, âFor democracy and freedom, for the fate of the nation, every ordinary person has a responsibility.â According to witness accounts, the troops that had entered the Square beat clusters of students with batons even though the two sides had already agreed on the student withdrawal; at Liubukou (ć éšćŁ), tanks chased, and ran over, a column of students who had left the Square and were walking back to their campuses. Fang Zheng, a senior at Beijing Sports University, lost his legs to speeding tank tracks. There had been unconfirmed reports that pockets of protesters were encircled and executed en mass. Around June 4th, massacres also occurred in Chendu, Sichuan province, and elsewhere.
In mid and late June that year, the government issued three versions of a âreport on quashing the riots.â It portrays the civilians as a rioting mob and presents precise numbers of dead and wounded among the troops and the loss of vehicles, but at the same time, it is vague and contradictory on the number of civilian deaths. Questions remain: why were the weaponized troops unable to defend themselves [if there was indeed a riot]? If they were unable to defend themselves, how did they break through the blockade of hundreds and thousands of civilians? What caused the people of the nation to gather in the streets of the capital to prevent the troops from moving forward? The report claims that the civilian deaths were few. If so, why repeatedly alter the number of death and never publish an accurate count? If the report is to be believed, the civilians attacked the soldiers first. If so, why was the first death among soldiers not reported until more than three hours after the troops opened fire and blood bathed Muxidi? During the protest, police once confided to Zhou Fengsuo (ćšéé), one of the student leaders in the Square, that âBeijingâs public order has never been so goodâ as the last two months of âdisruptionâ and âriot.â According to the memoir of Hou Dejian (äŸŻćŸ·ć„)ïŒ[the Taiwanese poplar singer] who stayed until the last moment in the Square, students insisted on non-violent principles even at the last moment of forced withdrawal and threw away any possessions that could be used to attack.
Meanwhile, the atrocities of the troops were recorded in photos of bleeding wounded and stacked bodies, videos of shooting civilians, hospitalsâ body identification notices and body counts, shocking reportage by Wu Xiaoyong ïŒćŽæéïŒof Central Peopleâs Radio Broadcast, not to mention the persistent questioning of Tiananmen Mothers over the last twenty-six years. If all of these are lies as the government claims they are, what is making these parents, now white-headed and frail, seek justice for so many years while sacrificing a normal life?
Last year on Capitol Hill in Washington, DC, this writer met with some of the survivors of the massacre. The MC read aloud a partial list of the dead, and people proceeded in a long line to pay respects with flowers. From hundreds to thousands, there have been different numbers and we might never know exactly how many died that year in Beijing. But people witnessed many shocking crimes, and perhaps many more occurred at unknown corners without witnesses. Some witnesses have grown old, others have passed away, and still others dare not speak even though they now live safely overseas. The Chinese government has never dared to publicize the exact number of deaths, and in dealing with a historical event of such magnitude, it first portrayed it, solemnly, as an âanti-revolutionary riot,â and then over the time it downplayed it as a âpolitical ripple,â systematically erasing it from the collective memory of a generation. June 4th has become a âsensitiveâ time each year, an unmentionable date. Such an enforced taboo is a reverse proof that the atrocities against civilians in 1989 are something the Communist Party would rather keep mum about, although this is a Party with a murderous history of civil war, anti-rightist movements, and the Cultural Revolution.
A classmate of this writer believes that the events from twenty-six years ago are too far back, todayâs China is getting better and better, and he lives a very happy life. As I walked on the Avenue of Eternal Peace two years ago, I saw no trace of blood or bullets but skyscrapers and the bustling of people and cars. We live in prosperity, but what kind of prosperity it is â our imagination is constantly challenged by the astonishing scale of high and low ranking officials, the marriage of power and money that the students opposed twenty-six years ago has become the prevalent model of the state economy. Xi Jinpingâs regime waves the banner of anti-corruption, but ordinary people are thrown in jail as trouble makers for holding signs asking officials to disclose their assets. The clans of Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng, whose hands were stained with the blood of students, have become filthy rich. We are shocked to discover that we are governed by officials whose family members live abroad. In other words, we are ruled by a bunch of foreigners, and China is merely the goose that lays golden eggs for them.
Twenty-six years ago, students wanted freedom of the press; and twenty-six years later, all media are still controlled by the Partyâs Propaganda Department, and journalists and lawyers are being put in jail for invented crimes. Gao Yuâs crime was leaking state secrets, or the ruling partyâs latest ideological guidelines. Some of my friends are of the opinion that those who draw the Partyâs ire do so because they are famous and conspicuous. We, on the other hand, are mere ordinary people who donât care about politics. But are ordinary people safe from harm? Think about Xia Junfeng (ć€äżćł°), Xu Chunhe (ćŸçșŻć), and the daughter of Tang Hui (ćæ §). No one is safe in a dictatorial system.
When North Korean soldiers crossed the border and killed innocent Chinese, and when Burmese bombers bombed Chinese territory, this government merely âprotested.â Come to think about it, the PLAâs only military victory in the last thirty years was the bloodbath in Beijingâs streets on June 4th, 1989!
This is fragile and distorted prosperity. Stability maintenance expenses are as big as the military budget; the Great Fire Wall is being stacked ever higher. They all indicate that, at any moment, truth can come to broad daylight, and the prosperity can collapse.
A voice inside China that says, the Tianâanmen Massacre was unfortunate, but the Chinese Communist Party has learned a lesson, and we donât want to obsess over it. But the suppression has never stopped: the truth about June 4th is still covered up, the dead still do not have closure, some survivors have served long prison terms, Tianâanmen Mothers are prevented by security police from paying visits to their childrenâs burial sites. Last year, a group of scholars was detained for having a home seminar to remember that day, and a female student at the Beijing International Studies University was disappeared for proposing a technology to spread the truth about the Tianâanmen Movement.
Meanwhile, the man who made the decision to open fire on students and civilians has been admired and extolled as the chief designer [of Chinaâs economic rise], and neither officers nor soldiers who directed the killings have been tried in a court of law. Do not expect this regime to plead guilty. Nor will they confess to errors as they did after the Cultural Revolution ended, because they know all too well that, once they acknowledge their crimes, they will likely be engulfed by the peopleâs wrath. They claim they have the ownership of a âuniversal truth,â but they have built high walls on the Intenet, and they hide in dark rooms to delete news as well as comments. Such is their âconfidence in guiding theoriesâ and their âconfidence in the path chosen.â
This is the killerâs regime. The gun fire on June 4th shot dead their legitimacy, and what they have accomplished since June 4th is not important. We do not ask the CCP to redress the events of that spring as killers are not the ones we turn to to clear the names of the dead, but killers must be tried. We do not forget, nor forgive, until justice is done and the on-going persecution is halted.
This writer and the signers of this letter know very well that there are consequences in writing and signing this letter. But this is our responsibility, and we hope fellow students inside China know this part of history, and reexamine the violence and atrocities since the Communist Partyâs beginning in 1921. From Jingangshan (äșćć±±, one of CCPâs early bases in Jiangxi province) to Tianâanmen Square, millions of innocent people have died, and we must remember them, but also reflect on wave after wave of sufferings. We have no right to dictate your minds or ask you to do something, but we do have a dream: we dream that, in a future not too far from now, each one of us can live in a country free of fear where history is restored and justice realized. This is the China Dream we have â we, a group of Chinese students studying abroad.
Texten har fĂ„tt sĂ„dan spridning att kinesisk statlig media inte anser sig kunna ignorera den. Global Times har kommenterat den pĂ„ sĂ„vĂ€l kinesiska som engelska, och menar att det antingen handlar om en falsk text eller en hjĂ€rntvĂ€tt av yngre kineser av ”fientliga utlĂ€ndska styrkor”:
Eleven Chinese students born in the 1980s or 1990s and studying in the US recently signed an open letter to their counterparts in the mainland. The letter carries their extreme views on the 1989 Tiananmen incident in the tone that used to be adopted by much older pro-democracy activists. It harshly attacked the current Chinese regime, twisting the facts of 26 years ago with narratives of some overseas hostile forces.
Generally, even if changes in thought do take place, it’s unlikely for mainland students who study in the US to lash out at their homeland in such an insulting way. The open letter claimed that the post-1980s and post-1990s generations in the mainland have been fooled and they couldn’t get to know the ”truth” of the 1989 Tiananmen incident until they moved abroad to study, where they can get unlimited access to the Internet.
However, it’s well-known that Internet censorship cannot prevent people acquiring sensitive information from overseas websites. The signatories mistake their own closed mindsets as the syndrome of the whole society. If the letter is truly written by a few students overseas, we have to say that those young people have been brainwashed in foreign countries, copying the paranoid minority overseas.
(…)
Chinese society has reached a consensus on not debating the 1989 incident. Students born in the 1980s and 1990s have become the new targets of overseas hostile forces. When China is moving forward, some are trying to drag up history in an attempt to tear apart society. It’s a meaningless attempt and is unlikely to be realized.
Wall Street Journal intervjuade just författaren till brevet, som sÀger sig vara motiverad av sitt samvete och rÀtten till sanning. Kampen om sanningen fortsÀtter med oförminskad kraft pÄ Kinas internet, med allt högre insatser.
